RESOLVING THE LEDGER
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See the full story · 1 sourcesx whatsapp-stroke copylink google Add Al Jazeera on Google info By Caleb Quinley Published On 30 Aug 2026 30 Aug 2026 The rebel fighters who abandoned Falam in Myanmar in April said they gave up the border town near India only after running out of bullets.
The fighters had endured a six-month assault by Myanmar’s military, including hundreds of air strikes and a ground assault by roughly 1,000 troops. The fall of the town, which had been under opposition control for a year, marked a strategic victory for the military: Falam is home to the only airport in Chin State and commands a trade route to the Indian border.
Within weeks, three more towns in Chin had fallen, and by late May, the military was claiming control of the entire northern part of the state.
“Falam taught us an important lesson,” said Salai William Chin, a member of the rebel Chin Brotherhood. “Capturing a town and holding it are two very different challenges,” he told Al Jazeera. “Holding it for a long period required manpower, logistics, administration, civilian protection and the ability to withstand repeated attacks, especially from the air.”
The retreat is part of a broader reversal across Myanmar.
The country’s opposition – a loose coalition of militias and ethnic armed organisations fighting the military that seized power in a 2021 coup – has been weakened. Their gains in 2023 and 2024, when coordinated offensives stripped the military of dozens of towns, have given way to a steady withdrawal from the urban centres they had captured.
Analysts say the shift has been driven by several factors: a mass conscription drive that has refilled the military’s ranks with tens of thousands of troops, a devastating air campaign that has killed hundreds of civilians, and backing from China, which has brokered ceasefires between the military and some powerful ethnic armed groups while helping choke off weapons supplies to others.
The war, which began in the wake of a military coup in February 2021, is now in its fifth year. It began following a brutal crackdown on unarmed protesters, with young people taking up arms and forming militias known as the People’s Defence Forces (PDF). They were aided by powerful armed ethnic organisations who control Myanmar’s borderlands, some of which have fought for autonomy since the country’s founding in 1948.
According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project, deaths in the conflict have now surpassed 100,000, while the United Nations says 3.9 million people have been displaced and an estimated one in three people requires humanitarian assistance.
Earlier this year, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who led the 2021 power grab, presided over tightly controlled elections, with major opposition parties barred from participating and voting impossible, or boycotted, across much of the country. He was sworn in as president in April, completing his passage from commander-in-chief to head of a nominally civilian government in Naypyidaw.
Min Aung Hlaing now says his government wants peace talks with armed opponents, including in Chin.
The military has opened new operations this year in Chin, Kachin, Kayin and Rakhine States, and according to ISP-Myanmar, an independent think tank, it has now retaken 22 of the 101 towns it lost after the coup. That amounts to 9 percent of the lost territory, but the areas are strategically located and include key trade corridors linking border areas to central Myanmar, where the military’s main bases are located.
Their capture has disrupted the “economic and logistical capacity of many resistance groups,” Su Mon, an analyst at ACLED, wrote in a recent briefing note. While the military has yet to fully restore its own administration in these areas, she said, “the victories have effectively hindered resistance coordination,” pushing opposition groups “away from large-scale coordinated offensives to defensive guerrilla warfare”.
Still, the military is unlikely to score “existential or politically decisive wins” against the opposition, she added, warning that the country “faces a protracted war of attrition” in the coming months.
The Myanmar military has lauded the battlefield wins.
Speaking in Bangkok this month, Min Aung Hlaing said Myanmar was “on the path of democracy and heading towards a better future”, while state media has run photographs of what it described as triumphant troops returning from operations around the country.
Anthony Davis, a Bangkok-based security analyst, said a mass conscription drive and Chinese support have proven pivotal for the military.
Close to 150,000 troops have been added to its combat ranks since 2024 through conscription, he said, with many of the conscripts barely trained, but numerous enough to grind forward.
Pressure from China has pulled two powerful opposition forces, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, out of the fight, freeing the military to redeploy troops elsewhere. Beijing also pressed the United Wa State Army, one of Myanmar’s strongest ethnic armed groups, to stop selling weapons to opposition groups, contributing to ammunition shortages nationwide.
“Unchallenged airpower has from the beginning of the war provided the [military] with a crucial advantage,” Davis added, both in resupplying troops and in carrying out attacks against opposition forces. At the same time, “the rapid proliferation of drone technology in both surveillance and strike roles, along with improved battlefield coordination between different combat arms, have boosted [the military’s] capability”, he said.
The air campaign’s toll on civilians has been severe.
The Myanmar Internet Project counted 520 air strikes from April through June, hitting 87 townships and killing at least 314 civilians, including 41 children. Chin State was hit hardest, with 122 strikes, followed by Sagaing with 101, and Rakhine with 98.
Phil Robertson, the director of Asia Human Rights and Labour A...
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